
Kham Aid field workers interview nomads about
their lives.Nomads and Development
A Kham Aid Foundation report by Pamela Logan, Oct 25, 2004
Contents:
* Background info and figures on nomad populations in Ganzi
Prefecture
* Challenges facing education
* Challenges facing health care
* Recent improvements in transportation
* Settlement of nomads into permanent housing
* Problems affecting the environment
* Challenges facing economic development
* What Kham Aid is doing to help
As most readers will already know, traditionally, Tibetans
traditionally rely agriculture and herding for sustenance. This
report will talk about pure herdsmen, people who live where crops
won't grow. Often, these pastoral Tibetans have no permanent
dwelling, but live in tents year-round.
Tibetan herdsmen are often referred to as "nomads," although this
term can be misleading, because they do not wander freely or at
random, but rotate between 2 or 3 fixed campsites according to the
season of the year. In summer, they go to high pastures. In early
October, they move to valleys at lower elevation where they spend
the winter.
Note that not every herdsman you see in Tibet is "pure." In many
parts of Kham, herding is mixed with farming, as agricultural
valleys and grazing lands are within a day or two's walk from each
other. This is quite a good way to organize one's family economy.
The family can supply itself with grain, butter, and meat, and has
little need to trade with outsiders. Children and old people stay
in the house, where they can attend school and use health care
facilities, while the stronger members live in tents out on the
grassland. Such part-time herdsmen are not the subject of this
report, for they differ in many significant ways from those who have
no farms at all.

Herdsmen on the move, with their
animals. |
Pure herdsmen have their own, somewhat different, culture. For one
thing, they have their own dialect of Tibetan, and it's more or less
the same across the Tibetan plateau. They are, like virtually all
Tibetans, devoutly Buddhist, but their attitudes toward education,
health care, and other aspects of life in modern China differ
somewhat from their farm-dwelling brethren. They are even more
religious than sedentary Tibetans, which makes them deeply
conservative and leery of change.
In Ganzi, 18% of the population are nomads, and about 54% of the
total land area is useable pasture. Pure herdsmen are found
primarily in Litang, Pelyul, Derge, Serthar, and Sershul counties.
Until recently, most of these people lived in tents on the
grasslands, twelve months a year. This kind of life, while seeming
romantic to some, brings many hardships. This report will outline
some of the challenges facing Kham Aid and others who wish to bring
a better life to Tibetan herdsmen in Kham.
Education
It is very difficult to get nomad children to school. Physically,
the schools are usually far distant from the encampments of most of
its students. In Pelyul, I met a family whose two
primary-school-age children walked 20 km to school each way. The
two boys stayed in the school dormitory during the week and came
home only on weekends. There was a bus, but the family could not
afford the 20 yuan ($2.50) one-way fare. Imagine sending a
first-grade child 20 km from home - most children that young cannot
even dress themselves properly! Parents are understandably
reluctant, and delay as long as they can. This makes nomad children
older than their farm- or town-dwelling classmates.
In Pelyul, nomad children would certainly leave school were it not
for the threat of a fine that the Pelyul County government imposes
on parents of drop-outs. I have never encountered such fines
elsewhere, but apparently the Pelyul officials think it necessary to
ensure attendance. It most probably is.

Nomad children at the Ponru School, which is privately
funded.

A government school at Qiwu Township,
Sershul County. |
This problem of distance is a hard one to solve. If one builds
more schools in nomad areas, then one finds that the enrollment at
each school may be twenty or fewer children. Such a small school is
inefficient and expensive; moreover, it cannot easily meet the
different educational needs of its mixed-age student body. Also
important: it's difficult to attract good teachers to these lonely
and rugged outposts.
The Ponru School, where Kham Aid operated its Better Schools program
this year, is typical in some respects and exceptional in others.
It is not a government school, though the county does provide one of
the two teachers. The other teacher is a local monk who teaches
Tibetan language. The government-funded teacher, a young woman named
Dawa, teaches everything else. She lives at the school and, with
the cook, takes care of the children 24 hours a day.
Since Ponru School opened two years ago, about one-third of the 32
children have dropped out. Their parents simply wanted them back
home to help take care of the herds. Even the children who graduate
from grade 6 at Ponru School will have difficulty continuing their
education. Some will simply be too old. Others may not be able to
meet the expense of attending the boarding middle school in the
county seat. (see our Scholarship program for more information on
helping middle-school students).
Ponru is exceptional because it achieves remarkably high test scores
considering that it is located in such a remote area. One
knowledgeable Tibetan reported, "This [Ponru] school is academically
excellent. Private schools like this one out perform government
schools. The difference is big."
Ten kilometers from Ponru, not far from a major highway, is a
government school at the Yiniu Township seat. This school is larger
and has much better facilities, but its students reportedly
under-perform academically. If there was no Ponru School, local
parents would be unlikely to send their children to Yiniu; the
children would simply not go to school at all.
Dawa, the teacher to whom most of the credit for Ponru's excellence
is due, does not possess advanced certification, so she is paid only
300 yuan ($36) a month. She would like to leave the school and the
teaching profession altogether, and become a nun. However, the
parents have pleaded with her and extracted a promise to stay until
the current batch of students graduates from grade 6. If she did
not aspire to be a nun, she would certainly want to leave sooner
because of the low pay, and because an educated woman like her is
unlikely to find a suitable husband among the local nomads. When
Dawa leaves, it will be difficult to replace her.
Health Care
Nomads suffer from many health problems, and some of them result
from their low education level and extremely rigorous environment.
In Kham, grasslands at 4000 meters or higher elevation enjoy only
two or three frost-free months each year. In winter, it is bitter
cold. The climate, and the inconvenience of fetching and heating
water, mean that hygiene is sorely neglected. Washing is rarely
done, and when it is, only the hands and face are washed. Toilet
paper may not be available at all. There are no designated toilets,
so people simply relieve themselves on the pasture.

A midwife in Litang county, with Wu
Bangfu, director of Kham Aid Foundation's midwife
training program. |
Some aspects of hygiene could easily be improved were it not for
lack of knowledge. "People think that brushing your teeth is for
good looks, to have pretty teeth, " said Kilung Rinpoche, founder of
the Ponru School. "They think it's a vanity. They don't realize
it's for health." Not surprisingly, it's common to see adults with
severely decayed and missing teeth. He asked the Better Schools team
to give the Ponru children lessons on teeth-brushing, which we did.
Other, more serious, health problems are common. Malnutrition has
been observed in Tibetan populations, especially nomads, and must be
at least partly caused by the almost complete lack of vegetables in
the herdsman's diet. Even meat is in short supply, because herdsmen
are extremely reluctant to slaughter their precious yaks. They
subsist largely on butter, tea, and tsampa, which is purchased in
town.
These problems have profound effects, especially on women and
children. The Bridge Fund did a survey of nomads and found that
virtually every family had lost a baby in childbirth at one time or
another. [Kham Aid is working to rectify this: as I write these
words, ten Sershul women are completing our program in midwife
training].
Non-pregnant women also do not receive basic health care. Tupten
Nyima, head of the Sershul Family Planning Agency, said, "Ten out of
ten women in our county have some form of gynecological disease."
His agency cannot easily provide contraceptive services - wanted or
unwanted - to nomad women, because they are simply too hard to
reach.
Moreover, many nomad women reject any interference in nature's
ways. "Some families have five or six children," said Dawa the
teacher. "When I suggest they should do something about this, they
ask me, 'what kind of a Tibetan girl are you?'"
Even when they go to seek medical help, Tibetan nomads sometimes do
so at the wrong times, and for the wrong reasons. ?A Tibetan mother
will ride for two days to take her six-year-old-daughter to our
clinic because the girl?s got a sore throat," says Lee Weingrad,
head of the Surmang Foundation,
which operates a clinic in Qinghai. "But when the woman is
pregnant, she won?t even think of seeing a doctor.?
From the foregoing anecdotes, it's apparent that basic health
knowledge is lacking among herdsmen. Yet for reasons mentioned
above, education is not easy to supply.
Transportation
This is one area in which significant progress has been made in
nomad areas. China's push to expand and improve its highways has
meant that nearly all national roadways in Kham have been paved in
the last five years. Dirt roads are being slowly expanded and
improved.

The town of Dzogchen, in the middle of
a nomad area, is accessible via a bridge and a road that
was being improved in the fall of 2004. |
Many herdsmen have bought motorcycles, which are cheap to operate,
convenient to use off-road, and fit well the herdsman's notion of
what is manly. In Sershul, one report estimated the number of
motorcycles in the county at 3,000-5,000, for a population of some
60,000 people. Motorcycles, usually decked out with Tibetan-style
saddle blankets and other decorations, have become completely
ubiquitous in Kham and are often seen parked outside herdsmen's
tents.
Housing
A few years ago, the Chinese government embarked on a massive
campaign to encourage nomads to move into permanent houses. In
Kham, this is visible in the form of giant housing projects being
constructed on winter pastures. Rows of cookie-cutter Tibetan
houses are springing up in Litang, Trango, Sershul, and other
places. In Sershul, I saw construction projects in full swing, with
dozens of houses going up.
In Derge, they are taking a cautious approach, building houses for a
few families to see how the program works. In Pelyul county, I was
told that every herdsman now has a home of his own. No money is
charged to the herdsmen for these houses. They are simply given
free. And for the most part, nomads accept them.
The Environment
Daniel Miller, a noted authority on Tibetan nomads, writes that
"Many of the large lakes on the Tibetan Plateau are much smaller
than they were thousands of years ago. Old beach lines, in some
cases 40 metres above the present shore lines, indicate the degree
to which lakes have dried up. This general desiccation that is
taking place is also affecting vegetation..."
In other words, the grassland ecology is changing, and probably for
the worse, from the herdsman's perspective. There does not seem to
be any solid research on the impact of large animal herds on this
already-changing environment. Nevertheless, there is a perception
among Chinese government leaders that Tibetan herdsmen are unduly
stressing the rangeland on which they live. Another
government-sponsored campaign is encouraging herdsmen to fence in
their pastures, to control the movement of yaks and sheep, and allow
the grass to recover.

Pasture in Serthar County - still
unfenced in 2004. |
Fences formalize informal arrangements that have been observed by
nomads for decades or even centuries. Some observers complain that
these measures are bad for the nomads, and undermine their way of
life as well as harming the ecological balance. I don't know enough
about grassland ecology to offer an informed opinion, but I will
offer a few possibly relevant anecdotes.
One attitude held by herdsmen is striking: most don't believe there
is any such thing as too many animals. No matter how many yaks a
herdsman has, he is still reluctant to slaughter any, and will do so
only under significant pressure. One family in Pelyul said that, of
their hundred-odd yaks, they slaughter only one or two a year - and
that's to feed nine people. (that works out to about 3 kilos of
meat per month per person). They are equally reluctant to sell.
As a result of these attitudes, at Ponru, children of "rich" nomads,
with three hundred or more yaks, were no better dressed that
children of poor nomads. Even in October, prime slaughtering
season, meat at Ponru was no cheaper than meat in Kangding, which is
a good-sized city located miles away from any pastures. Driving
through Sershul county, one sees endless green vistas, and all are
covered with yaks.
The reason why nomads like large herds is simple: the extra animals
are an insurance policy against disaster. In 1996-7 there was a
blizzard in Sershul, which covered the grass for weeks and killed
thousands of yaks. Herds were decimated. Families that before felt
secure were pushed into great uncertainty and even starvation.
Large herds mitigate the damage of such unforeseeable events.
By now, eight years later, the herds have been regenerated.
However, a new problem has emerged: "black beach," a phenomenon in
which grass disappears, leaving only bare dirt. The cause might be
overgrazing, and pikas: small rodents that burrow underground and
eat the grass from the roots up. Daniel Miller cites another
possibility: natural ecological evolution. He writes: "The
rangeland environment can no longer support Kobresia plant
communities and the rangeland is going through changes to a plant
community dominated more by drought tolerant grasses and forbs."
In an effort to better allocate increasingly limited pasture, the
government has been handing out free fencing material to nomads. In
Sershul, concrete posts and wire are distributed on a village basis,
and the villages are responsible for finding (or hiring) the labor
to put them up. Generally speaking, it is the winter pastures that
are fenced, leaving the summer pastures open. The long-term results
of this program - good or bad - will take some time to be known.
The Economy
Because Tibetan herdsmen consider yaks to be more useful than cash,
they have little incentive to sell animals, and they consequently
are cash-poor. The average per capita annual income for herdsmen
in Ganzi is 822 yuan (about US$100). In Litang, the monthly butter
output of one family's eight yaks brings in about 60 yuan per month,
after some butter was taken out to feed the three family members.
(One foreign expert told me that the yak is, relatively speaking, a
rather poor milk-producer. An American dairy cow has more than 20
times the milk output of a female yak).
In May herdsmen in some areas go to dig for caterpillar fungus, and
in August-September they collect mushrooms. It's these activities,
not animal husbandry, that bring in the bulk of a nomad family's
cash earnings.

Upward mobility on the
grasslands:.monks in their quarters in Dege.
|
Some simple arithmetic will show that even families with large herds
of more than 300 animals are not earning very much money. (and it's
interesting that the extra money they do have is often spent on a
new motorcycle). They can get along as nomads in tents with yaks on
the grasslands, but there is no surplus to buy a house, invest in a
new business enterprise, or send a child to college - all of which
might afford some upward economic mobility. Most crucially, there is
little extra money to pay hospital bills in the event of a health
crisis. (Yaks can be sold, but in winter and springtime they are
thin and do not bring in much money). All of this means that
herdsmen are mired in poverty from which they are unable to easily
emerge.
A second factor that inhibits nomads from developing economically is
lack of ambition to do so. Anthropologist Melvyn Goldstein has
written how herdsmen are proud of their lifestyle, which demands
little of a man except for sitting back and watching his animals eat
and multiply.
In Pelyul, I asked the two brothers what they wanted to be when they
grow up. They hesitated for a long time before they finally said,
"monks." In the beginning, Dawa's pupils also professed no ambition
beyond the monastery, but after two years of schooling they started
to look further outside their own grassland world, and to dream of
being teachers, doctors, and drivers.
If the above-mentioned hurdles were not enough, Tibetan's Buddhist
faith provides the final challenge. Tibetans will readily herd
yaks, but they are less happy about sheep because a sheep offers
less meat per soul sacrificed - and the Buddhist faith enjoins us to
respect and cherish equally all lives, whether great or small. For
religious reasons described in another Kham Aid report, they are
even more reluctant to raise pigs or chickens.
The Chinese government has tried various experiments to bring
herdsmen further into the cash economy. One experiment that seems
to have failed very badly is an attempt in one county to force
nomads to sell a part of their herds each year. Township officials
took away yaks from each family, reportedly as much as 17% of the
herd, sold the yaks, and reimbursed the family for the sale.
However, this effort went badly awry when the cash realized from the
sale proved much too tempting for avaricious local officials. Much
too little was returned to the nomads. It seemed to them that this
"program" was just a tax, and a monstrously high one at that.
I've heard of taxes on nomads being exorbitant in other regions,
with the culprits being corrupt local officials. (This sort of
thing is hardly unique to Tibetan areas, but is a perennial problem
everywhere in rural China, and recently has been the subject of much
public discussion.) Some Tibetan leaders who hold posts within the
government reported the nomads' situation to authorities in
Beijing. As a result, a decree was issued that, starting in 2004,
no taxes of any sort will be collected from Tibetan herdsmen. This
is certainly a good thing; yet it's unlikely that this measure by
itself will enable many herdsmen to substantially improve their
standard of living.
Summary
It is tempting to say that nomads are happy the way they are, so
they should be left alone. Yet there are two compelling reasons for
interfering. First, the enormous herds that are now in Kham are
probably not sustainable over the long-term. Second, on pure
humanitarian grounds, it is unacceptable that Tibetan herdsmen
suffer from so much preventable disease.
With so many deep-seated problems and an extremely conservative
population, It is difficult for me and other NGO leaders to offer
programs that will help Tibetan nomads better their circumstances.
Education is key, for educated herdsmen are far more ready to step
outside the lifestyle of their parents and push the envelope of
their Buddhist beliefs. Yet education is not easy to provide, nor is
it always accepted.
What Kham Aid is doing to help
1. Our
scholarship program helps children from remote areas attend
junior middle school.
2. Our midwife
training program is training, or has trained, midwives from
four of the five counties where nomads live in large numbers.
3. Our
Better Schools program improved the classroom and
dormitories of the Ponru School, in Sershul.
4. Our
Small Grants for Schools program has given beds, desks, and
other items to primary schools serving nomad children.
5. Our Medical
Aid program has provided crucial medicines to charity
clinics serving nomad populations.
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